ICHST
InternationalConventiononHumanity
SustainabilitytTechnology

Research
Article submitted to journal
https://conference.unupasurua.ac.id/index.ph
p/ichst/index

Subject Areas:
Governance Transparency, Technology
for Living,

Keywords:

two-way communication,
participatory governance, public
complaint channels, locality,
transparency

*Author for correspondence:
alhimnifahma@iaisyarifuddin.ac.id

“Digital Communication
for Participatory
Governance: Insights
fromWadul Gus’e and
Sambat Bunda Citizen
Complaint Programs”
Alhimni Fahma 1* , Dewi Khuswandini 2 ,
Muhammad Alif Alaudin3
1

Universitas Islam Syarifuddin Lumajang, Indonesia
Universitas Islam Syarifuddin Lumajang, Indonesia
3
Erasmus University Rotterdam, Netherlands
2

1. INTRODUCTION
Public complaint channels are a form of government initiative to open
communication with citizens in order to realize transparent, participatory,
effective, and solution-oriented governance. At the national level, the SP4NLAPOR! (Sistem Pengelolaan Pengaduan Pelayanan Publik Nasional – Layanan
Aspirasi dan Pengaduan Online Rakyat) was established through Presidential
Regulation No. 76 of 2013 on the Management of Public Service Complaints.
The system, part of Indonesia’s electronic-based government (SPBE), utilizes
information and communication technology (ICT) to serve stakeholders
including central agencies, local governments, civil servants, citizens, and
businesses.

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The Province of East Java has actively and systematically implemented SP4NLAPOR! and has even been considered a model for other regions due to its
effective integration with 64 provincial agencies and 38 city/district
governments. (Berliana, 2024; Pratama, 2024). (Berliana & Yudartha, 2024;
Ritonga, 2021)
Since its introduction in 2013, the long process of socializing the use of digital
complaint channels has continued. While SP4N-LAPOR! serves as the national
“grand design,” local governments are expected to develop localized versions
tailored to their own contexts. Some regions have shown readiness, while
others have faced obstacles such as technical integration, limited internet
access, lack of human resources, inconsistent data, and declining complaint
volumes. (I Gede Bayu, 2024) Nonetheless, local governments continue to
innovate within their structural and cultural capacities, ensuring that these
systems can be implemented collaboratively by both administrators and
citizens.
Before the advent of digital complaint channels, local public service
bureaucracies in Indonesia often faced classic challenges: lengthy procedures,
layered communication structures, and limited transparency in handling citizen
reports. Public complaints were frequently delayed by hierarchical
administration, undermining public trust in local government effectiveness. For
instance, in Lumajang—where many citizens live in rural areas with limited
internet access—complaints were typically delivered through face-to-face
meetings or written letters, often delaying responses to urgent issues such as
healthcare or infrastructure. Meanwhile, in Jember—where digital connectivity
is stronger—complaints often became “stuck” at the subdistrict or village level
before reaching the relevant agencies.
These pre-digital realities demonstrate how social, geographical, and digital
literacy differences shape both how citizens voice complaints and how
governments respond. Urban communities with better internet access often
turn to alternatives such as social media, while rural communities remain
dependent on slower formal mechanisms. In this context, locally driven digital
complaint channels such as Wadul Gus’e in Jember and Sambat Bunda in
Lumajang emerge as important innovations, helping to cut through
bureaucratic bottlenecks while reflecting local identities.

Wadul Gus’e, launched by the Jember Regency government, allows citizens to
directly submit complaints, aspirations, and suggestions to the regent and local
agencies. Although integrated with the national SP4N-LAPOR! system, it is
localized through the use of Javanese terminology, making it culturally familiar
to citizens. It operates through official government social media, instant
messaging apps, and websites, managed by a dedicated team under the
Communication and Informatics Agency.
Similarly, Sambat Bunda in Lumajang combines digital tools with communitybased communication. Accessible via WhatsApp and a web portal, it is
strengthened by interactive sessions on the local government radio (LPPL). Its
name, “Sambat Bunda,” associates the channel with a maternal figure—
reflecting the female regent’s identity—making it feel approachable and
personal. Unlike one-way channels, Sambat Bunda fosters two-way dialogue by
involving citizens and government agencies in interactive communication,
enabling quicker clarification and follow-up.

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Figure 1. Program dissemination of Wadul Gus’e dan Sambat Bunda

Public participation in local governance is inseparable from the quality of
communication between citizens and policymakers. Through channels such as
Wadul Gus’e in Jember and Sambat Bunda in Lumajang, participatory public
communication takes on a more concrete form. Both channels are designed to
foster two-way, reciprocal exchanges—citizens submit aspirations, complaints,
or proposals, and local government responds directly with clarification, followup, or solutions. Built on digital technologies, this process is no longer
constrained by distance or time; interactions that were once hierarchical
become more equitable and responsive.
The presence of these mechanisms also repositions citizens from mere service
recipients to active partners in improving public services. Through Wadul
Gus’e, the Jember Regency government can respond swiftly and in a measured
way to reports submitted via official digital channels, while Sambat Bunda in
Lumajang combines digital media with interactive sessions on the local public
radio (LPPL), reaching residents who may be less familiar with online
applications. Together, these channels demonstrate that two-way, reciprocal
communication not only strengthens government–citizen connectedness but
also nurtures a sense of ownership over public policies, as citizen input is
genuinely considered in decision-making.

2. LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Participatory Public Communication
Public communication can be broadly defined as the exchange of information,
ideas, and messages between public institutions—including government—and the
wider society to achieve common goals. In governance, public communication is
not limited to one-way information delivery from government to citizens; it also
involves listening to aspirations, criticism, and feedback from the public. The scope
of public communication ranges from face-to-face forums (e.g., community
meetings and village deliberations) to mass media (television, radio, newspapers)
and digital platforms such as government websites, social media, and online
complaint applications (Effendy, 2017; Lattimore, Baskin, Heiman, & Toth, 2012).
The primary functions of public communication in government–citizen relations are
to build transparency, accountability, and public trust, while strengthening citizen
participation in the formulation, implementation, and evaluation of policies.
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Effective communication channels help governments accelerate information
dissemination, respond to complaints promptly, and involve citizens in
development planning. Strategically managed communication also reduces
information gaps, minimizes conflicts, and improves the government’s public image
(Grunig & Hunt, 1984).
Grunig and Hunt’s (1984) Two-Way Symmetrical Communication Model provides a
strong conceptual framework for participatory public communication. The model
consists of four stages: 1) Active Listening – governments listen attentively to
citizens’ concerns;2) Negotiation and Dialogue – fostering mutual respect and
collaboration;3) Adjustment and Policy Alignment – adapting policies based on
feedback;4) Relationship Maintenance – sustaining long-term trust and
interaction.
This model places governments and citizens in equal positions in communication,
promoting mutual understanding as the basis for responsive policy decisions. In
practice, it requires governments not only to inform or educate citizens but also to
genuinely listen to feedback and complaints, leading to negotiation, policy
adjustments, and collaborative solutions. Thus, citizen participation becomes an
integral part of governance rather than a ceremonial exercise.
Applied at the local government level, the Two-Way Symmetrical Model enables
complaint channels like Wadul Gus’e and Sambat Bunda to function optimally as
responsive connectors between government and citizens.
2.2 Virtual Sphere: Citizen Participation with Local Government
Habermas (1989) argued that the strength of the public sphere lies in its ability to
shape public opinion and influence policy. However, his version of the public
sphere faced limitations: it was often elitist, mediated by one-way mass media,
and excluded marginalized groups. In today’s context, where information flows are
controlled by powerful institutions, there is a need for more open, decentralized,
and accessible spheres of dialogue. This aligns with Rainie and Wellman’s (2012)
concept of networked individualism, where citizens’ engagement shifts from
hierarchical structures toward technology-mediated personal networks.
Papacharissi (2002) introduced the concept of the virtual sphere, describing the
evolution of the public sphere in the internet era. The virtual sphere is a digital
public discussion space where geographic, social, and economic boundaries
become more fluid. Through many-to-many communication, individuals act
simultaneously as producers and consumers of information, broadening
opportunities for social and political participation, albeit with risks such as
polarization and echo chambers.
Fakhrurroji (2024) explains that Papacharissi’s virtual sphere extends Habermas’s
public sphere into a contemporary digital realm, where interaction is broad,
asynchronous, and participatory. The virtual sphere is characterized by:1)
Decentralization – communication is no longer controlled by media elites but
dispersed across social media, online forums, complaint channels, and community
blogs;2) Inclusive interactivity – citizens engage in more egalitarian dialogue;3)
Broad accessibility – citizens with internet access can join discussions regardless
of geography or demographics;4) Reflectivity and rational participation –
opportunities for citizens to present arguments, discuss policy, and influence
agendas.

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In this sense, the virtual sphere provides the foundation for participatory
governance in the digital era. Local complaint channels such as Wadul Gus’e and
Sambat Bunda exemplify how government–citizen communication can become
two-way, dialogic, and democratic rather than top-down information delivery.
Clark (2020) further emphasizes that smart city governance should expand citizens’
rights to data and leverage technology to enhance participatory planning and
urban governance. This underscores that digital technology is not merely an
efficiency tool but also a means to empower citizens in policy-making and decisionmaking processes, strengthening the principles of good governance.

3. METHODS
This study employed a qualitative approach using a comparative case study
strategy to analyze participatory public communication through two complaint
service programs: Wadul Gus’e in Jember Regency and Sambat Bunda in Lumajang
Regency. This approach was chosen because it allows for an in-depth exploration
of the context, processes, and dynamics of two-way communication between local
governments and citizens, while also comparing the effectiveness of both programs
in fostering constructive reciprocal interaction (Yin, 2018).

Figure 2. Flowchart Research Method

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3.1 Data Collection
The study utilized both primary and secondary data. Primary data were gathered
through interviews with program administrators, local government officials involved
in the initiatives, and citizens who had accessed Wadul Gus’e or Sambat Bunda.
Secondary data were obtained from official documentation, including annual
government reports and complaint archives, as well as news coverage from online
local media outlets such as Radar Jember and Radar Semeru.
3.2 Research Instruments
Two types of documents were analyzed: news articles and statistical records. News
articles from local online newspapers provided accurate information on the
development of Wadul Gus’e and Sambat Bunda. Statistical data were drawn from
official reports to illustrate usage patterns and complaint resolution rates.
Interviews were conducted using semi-structured questionnaires designed to
gather insights into program implementation.
3.3 Data Analysis
Data were analyzed descriptively and critically. Descriptive analysis involved
organizing and interpreting both documentary and interview data thematically,
beginning with statements of fact, followed by explanation and interpretation. This
helped highlight differences between pre- and post-program implementation, as
well as the impact of citizen participation on local public service delivery. Critical
analysis, in turn, identified the challenges and limitations encountered during the
operation of these digital communication programs.

4. RESULTS and DISCUSSION
The Wadul Gus’e and Sambat Bunda complaint channels have brought citizens
closer to local government by enabling direct, open participation through digital
communication. While both programs faced challenges, they also demonstrated
important innovations in participatory communication. Their effectiveness can be
explained using Grunig’s (1984) Two-Way Symmetrical Model and Papacharissi’s
(2002) concept of the Virtual Sphere.
4.1 Active Listening
At the initial stage, local governments positioned themselves as active listeners,
proactively opening channels that encouraged citizens to voice aspirations,
complaints, and ideas. Active listening here goes beyond simply receiving
messages; it includes efforts to understand the context, emotions, and needs
behind those messages.
Digital tools made this possible. Wadul Gus’e facilitated complaints via WhatsApp,
enabling citizens to submit reports with photos, locations, and chronology of
events. An administrative desk team categorized incoming reports by urgency,
ensuring rapid initial responses—often within 24 hours. Similarly, Sambat Bunda
utilized WhatsApp, Facebook, the SP4N-LAPOR! national system, the official
Lumajang website, and even call-in sessions via LPPL Suara Lumajang radio. This
integration made it easier to identify recurring issues in specific areas.
Both programs demonstrated structured active listening consistent with the TwoWay Symmetrical Model, where citizens’ input was not merely archived but
systematically used as a database for follow-up and policy design.

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Figure 3.Service Feeback from Wadul Gus’e dan Sambat Bunda

4.2 Negotiation and Dialogue
Once messages were received, governments moved into negotiation and dialogue,
marked by reciprocal exchanges of information. The core principle was mutual
respect, fostering collaboration rather than defensive or top-down responses.

Figure 4. Dialogue and outcomes of complaints through Wadul Guse dan Sambat Bunda

In Wadul Gus’e, follow-up chats allowed government staff to clarify progress on
complaints and even propose alternative solutions when citizens’ requests could
not be fulfilled directly. Sambat Bunda often went a step further, inviting relevant
agencies (OPD) to respond directly to citizens in public forums or social media
comment threads.
This openness reflects how dialogue is not confined to formal spaces but can take
place in flexible, accessible environments. Citizens could continue conversations
after receiving responses, while governments had the opportunity to explain
constraints or action plans transparently. Such exchanges-built trust and
strengthened citizens’ sense of involvement in governance.
4.3 Adjustment and Policy Alignment
The next stage involved using complaint data not only for individual case resolution
but also as input for policy adjustment and alignment. This represents the
feedback loop envisioned in both the Two-Way Symmetrical Model and the Virtual
Sphere, where dialogue results in concrete policy changes.
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For example, recurring complaints about road infrastructure in Wadul Gus’e led to
prioritization of road repairs in Jember’s local government work plan. In Sambat
Bunda, frequent reports on rural health services influenced the distribution of
medical staff and the improvement of village health centers.
These cases demonstrate that participatory digital communication can serve as a
policy feedback mechanism, ensuring that citizen input directly informs local
government decisions. Publishing follow-up reports on official websites further
enhanced transparency and public trust.
4.4 Relationship Maintenance
Participatory communication does not end when a problem is resolved. Long-term
trust requires relationship maintenance, ensuring continuity of positive interaction
between government and citizens.

Wadul Gus’e maintained this relationship by sending regular notifications about
policy developments and new programs. Sambat Bunda employed storytelling
through social media, sharing success stories of complaint resolutions. Both
strategies strengthened emotional bonds, reinforced public trust, and cultivated a
sense of belonging among citizens.

By consistently maintaining relationships, these programs moved beyond eventbased communication and established participatory communication as part of the
culture of governance.
Stage
Active Listening

Negotiation &
Dialogue

Policy
Adjustment

Relationship
Maintenance

Table 1. Comparison of Results in Wadul Gus’e and Sambat Bunda
Wadul Gus’e (Jember)
Sambat Bunda (Lumajang)
WhatsApp application with integrated Multiple channels: WhatsApp,
features (photo, location, chronology); Facebook, SP4N-LAPOR! official
reports filtered by urgency; initial response website,
and
LPPL
radio;
within 24 hours.
automatic alert system for
urgent cases.
Follow-up chats to clarify complaints; Relevant
agencies
(OPD)
alternative solutions offered if requests respond directly
in
public
cannot be met; communication often private forums/social
media;
open
between citizen and staff.
dialogue
builds
trust
and
collective participation.
Complaint
data
used
to
prioritize Health-related
complaints
infrastructure and public services in local influenced
medical
staff
work plans (RKPD); monthly reports distribution; education issues
submitted to local leaders.
prompted
school
facility
improvements; complaint data
informed
cross-agency
programs.
Regular notifications about complaint Storytelling on social media
progress and new policies; internal success about
successful
case
stories published on the app.
resolutions;
routine
citizen
engagement
campaigns;
fostered sense of ownership of
local programs.

From the table above, it is evident that the four pillars of participatory communication
within the two-way symmetrical communication model—active listening, negotiation
and dialogue, adjustment and policy alignment, and relationship maintenance—
provide concrete benefits for citizens and local governments in managing community
issues. The complaint flow can be outlined as follows:

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Figure 5. Complaint flow in Sambat Bunda

4.5 The Value of Digital Communication in Participatory Governance
The Wadul Gus’e channel, officially launched on 14 March 2025, received
thousands of reports in a short time. During the first three months (14 March – 14
June 2025), 3,252 complaints were recorded, with approximately 72–79% resolved
or closed—an indicator of significantly faster bureaucratic response compared to
traditional mechanisms, which often resulted in month-long backlogs.
In Lumajang, the Sambat Bunda channel was formally introduced in early 2025
through official announcements and media coverage. The Communication and
Informatics Agency documented its launch in March–April 2025, including a formal
socialization session and admin coordination meeting on 23 April 2025. In its first
quarter of operation, Sambat Bunda received dozens of complaints via multiple
channels: 13 through SP4N-LAPOR! 10 via the Lumajang complaint portal, 30 from
a Facebook group, and 25 through the Sambat Bunda WhatsApp and web
platform. All reports were processed and resolved according to local government
mechanisms.
These results highlight two key points:
1. Digital channels help cut bureaucratic layers that previously caused complaints to
be “stuck” at subdistrict or village offices before reaching the relevant agency (a
common issue in densely populated Jember).
2. Local channels that integrate non-digital elements (such as radio LPPL and
community engagement) with digital tools (e.g., AI-based WhatsApp chatbots)
create adaptive strategies for areas with rural populations and uneven internet
access, as in Lumajang.
Thus, local innovations are not simply duplicates of national programs but adaptive
formats tailored to different social, cultural, and infrastructural contexts.
Aspect
Launch Date

Table 2. Complaint Outcomes of Wadul Gus’e and Sambat Bunda (2025)
Wadul Gus’e (Jember)
Sambat Bunda (Lumajang)
14 March 2025
March–April 2025 (formal
socialization, admin coordination

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Data Period
Total Complaints

14 March – 14 June 2025
3,252

Resolution Rate

72–79% resolved within 3 months

Channels Used

WhatsApp app (with photo, location, chronology),
integrated with SP4N

Key Performance

Significant increase in response speed, reducing
backlog of months

Effectiveness

Thousands of reports processed and followed up;
regular updates published on social media

on 23 April)
First Quarter (Q1) 2025
78 (13 SP4N-LAPOR!, 10 Portal,
30 Facebook, 25 Sambat Bunda)
100% resolved according to
local mechanisms
SP4N-LAPOR!, Lumajang Portal,
Facebook group, Sambat Bunda
WhatsApp + web, LPPL radio
Multi-channel integration
(national + local systems),
ensuring broader citizen
participation
100% resolution rate, with
outcomes broadcast across all
complaint channels

Together, these comparisons show two effective approaches to managing digital
public complaints. Wadul Gus’e excels in handling large complaint volumes with
quick responses, reducing administrative backlog, while Sambat Bunda emphasizes
multi-channel integration—bridging national systems with local media—to expand
participation and achieve complete follow-up. These findings highlight that the
success of e-governance depends not only on the number of complaints processed
but also on the quality of citizen engagement and the adaptability of government
communication channels.

5. CONCLUSION
This study demonstrates that the transformation of public complaint mechanisms
into digital communication channels has significantly improved bureaucratic
responsiveness at the local level. In Jember, the Wadul Gus’e channel recorded
3,252 complaints between 14 March and 14 June 2025, with a resolution rate of
72–79% within the first three months. This outcome illustrates a remarkable
acceleration compared to conventional mechanisms, which were often delayed by
lengthy administrative layers.
In Lumajang, the Sambat Bunda channel highlighted the effectiveness of multichannel integration. By combining national platforms (SP4N-LAPOR!), local digital
tools (WhatsApp, web portal, Facebook), and traditional media (LPPL Suara
Semeru radio), the program achieved a 100% resolution rate during its first
reporting quarter.
These findings affirm that digital public communication innovations—when
implemented systematically, with attention to cultural and local contexts—do more
than improve service delivery. They also expand opportunities for citizen
participation, strengthen transparency, and foster sustainable, reciprocal
relationships between local governments and their communities.
Thus, both Wadul Gus’e and Sambat Bunda exemplify how participatory egovernance can serve as a model for other regions, not only by accelerating
complaint handling but also by embedding collaboration, accountability, and
mutual trust at the heart of local governance.

6. REFERENCES
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